Rally to raise the minimum wage.

The minimum wage has stayed the same, while the cost of living has increased significantly. Advocates for a minimum wage of $15 an hour have been lobbying lawmakers for several years now. The federal minimum wage has not increased since 2009 when it was raised to $7.25. Since 2009, the cost of living in the United States has increased by 20%, and the cost of essentials like housing and healthcare have grown at higher rates (CNN). Currently, the median living wage in the United States is $67,690 (Insider). For reference, if the minimum wage were to be increased to $15 an hour, the annual wage would add up to $30,000. Employers are also permitted to pay subminimum wages to employees who have disabilities (DOL).

TAKE ACTION

Join the Fight for $15 in your state. If you make less than $15/hour, you can sign the petition and learn more about going on strike on the organization's website.
Read about the racial inequities of Labor Day, and how Black, Latino, Asian and other workers of color workers of color have historically been left out of the movement.

GET EDUCATED

By Nia Norris (she/her)

On January 26th, Democrats in the House of Representatives introduced a bill to raise the minimum wage to $15 an hour nationwide by 2025. They attempted to pass the same legislation in 2019, but the Republican-controlled Senate blocked it. (CNBC). Advocates of this bill cited a report from the Economic Policy Institute and the University of California Berkeley, which found that an increased minimum wage would not only lower government spending on public assistance but would also increase tax revenue (Politico). Currently, raising the minimum wage to $15 an hour has been bundled into the new coronavirus relief package (NY Times).

Workers with disabilities have it harder, often working for programs called “sheltered workshops” that pay workers who have disabilities a subminimum wage, many earning only $3.34 an hour (NPR). The U.S. Commission on Civil Rights released a report recommending that the subminimum wage be abolished entirely (USCCR). There have also been multiple federal bills attempting to abolish the subminimum wage for workers who have disabilities, but all have failed to pass. At a state level, Vermont, Alaska, Maine, Maryland, Nevada, New Hampshire, and Oregon have abolished the subminimum wage (NPR).

People of color disproportionately earn poverty wages as compared to white people. Black workers are 1.5 times as likely to make poverty wages as white workers, and Hispanic workers are 2.2 times as likely (EPI). Increasing the minimum wage to $15 an hour would increase the wages of 38.1%of Black people as compared to 23.2%of white people. Black and Hispanic workers are also significantly more likely to experience minimum wage violations (Equitable Growth). Black Americans are also overrepresented in the tipped employee workforce, where the federal minimum wage has remained stagnant at $2.13 an hour for over 25 years (Georgetown Poverty). A study has shown that consumers discriminate against people of color while eating out, tipping them at a lower rate (Wiley Online Library).

Raising the minimum wage is also key to increasing housing affordability. The National Low Income Housing Coalition published a report in 2020 called Out of Reach, documenting the gap between wages and housing. On average, a full-time worker needs to earn an hourly rate of $23.96 to afford the cost of a modest two-bedroom rental. In 11 states, this rate is more than $25 an hour (NIHC).

As a result, there are racial disparities in renting and ownership. In the U.S., 73.3% of White, non-Hispanic people own homes, but only 42.1% of Black people do (USA Facts). Black people who do own their homes also pay more for their mortgages. Black borrowers have an average mortgage rate of 4.62%compared to a mortgage rate of 4.3%for white borrowers (BankRate).

Since Black people have the highest rate of disability, the subminimum wage also has a disproportionate impact (National Disability Institute). Large employers, such as Goodwill Industries, use the subminimum wage to pay workers with disabilities significantly less. The Raise the Wage Act in Congress would also raise the minimum wage for workers who have disabilities (Vox).

Raising the minimum wage would reduce poverty among Americans, particularly people of color and workers who have disabilities. It would increase accessibility to housing and other necessities. It would also prohibit employers from paying substandard wages to people with disabilities and combat racism toward Black employees that rely on tips. The fight for equity must begin with combating economic racism in the United States.

Key Takeaways

The minimum wage has not increased with the cost of living. The federal minimum wage has remained stagnant at $7.25 an hour since 2009, while the cost of living has risen by 20%.
Black workers are overrepresented in the tipped employee workforce, which has a federal minimum wage of only $2.13 an hour. Tipped employees are more likely to live in poverty, and there have been studies indicating racial discrimination in tipping practices by consumers.
Employers of disabled workers, such as sheltered workshops, are not required to pay a minimum wage at all, and Black people experience disability at a higher rate than white people.

PLEDGE YOUR SUPPORT

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Nicole Cardoza 9/1/21 Nicole Cardoza 9/1/21

Repeal habitual offender statutes.

A petition to free Tameka Drummer has reached almost 300,000 signatures (Change). The Mississippi mother is serving a life sentence. Her crime? Possession of marijuana, stemming from a 2008 incident where her car was searched by police after she was pulled over for a missing license plate. Today, recreational cannabis is legal in nineteen states and the District of Columbia. Medical marijuana is legal in 37 states (Insider). “Tameka has been in prison since she was 34 years old.” She is now 46. “Her youngest child was 4 when she was arrested. In April, her child turned 16.” Unless this petition is successful, Drummer will live out her life in prison because of one time she had marijuana due to two prior convictions on her record and Mississippi’s harsh habitual offender laws (Filter Mag).

TAKE ACTION

Sign the petition to free Tameka Drummer, who was sentenced to life for marijuana possession under Mississippi habitual offender statutes.
Donate to FAMM, an organization working to reform habitual offender statutes in Mississippi.

GET EDUCATED

By Nia Norris (she/her)

Habitual offender laws, often known as “three strikes” laws, appeared in more than half of states during the 1990s. Under these laws, people convicted of two serious crimes face penalties ranging from a quarter century of incarceration to life in prison upon conviction of a third offense, no matter how minor (Equal Justice Initiative). In 2010, a Texas man named Larry Dayries was sentenced to 70 years in prison for stealing a sandwich under Texas’s habitual offender statute. The Whole Foods security guard who reported him posted on Facebook after Dayries’ sentencing: “Don’t mess with Whole Foods… 70 years is what you get when you fuck with us” (Texas Observer).

A group of current and former prosecutors gave another example of how habitual offender laws can work: “An 18-year old high school senior pushes a classmate down to steal his Michael Jordan $150 sneakers -- Strike One; he gets out of jail and shoplifts a jacket from the Bon Marche, pushing aside the clerk as he runs out of the store -- Strike Two; he gets out of jail, straightens out, and nine years later gets in a fight in a bar and intentionally hits someone, breaking his nose -- criminal behavior, to be sure, but hardly the crime of the century, yet it is Strike Three. He is sent to prison for the rest of his life" (ACLU).

Currently in Mississippi, more than half of the incarcerated women who are serving life sentences were convicted for drugs or another nonviolent crime. There are currently over 2,600 individuals serving life sentences under Mississippis’s habitual offender laws (Clarion Ledger). 75 percent of individuals who are sentenced under these laws are Black, although only 38 percent of the population of Mississippi is Black (The Appeal).

Drummer is not the only individual in Mississippi who is serving a life sentence for possession of marijuana, either. In May, the Mississippi Court of Appeals upheld Allen Russell’s 2019 life sentence for possession. The judge explicitly stated that Russell was not being sentenced for the possession, but for habitual offender (Associated Press).

Nationwide, the ACLU has found about a dozen state-level life sentences for marijuana possession, the majority of whom are Black (ACLU), though primarily white men and retailers profit from the legal cannabis industry. Acreage Holdings, one of the most successful cannabis companies, reported revenue of $12.9 million in the first quarter of 2019 (USA Today), while 54 individuals were sentenced by federal judges to life sentences for marijuana between 1996 and 2014 (Prison Insight).

Some state laws are finally changing. California had a similar reputation for excessively harsh sentences through habitual offender legislation and their “three strikes” law, but in 2012 passed Proposition 36 which changed the law to apply the “three strikes” law only in cases where the only in cases where the crime was “serious and violent” (Ballotpedia). Since Proposition 36, over 1000 incarcerated individuals in California have been released from prison. It is also important to note that the recidivism rate of individuals who were “propped out” under California law is significant lower than the state or national average (NAACP).

Missouri also changed their habitual offenders statute and allowed individuals sentenced to more than 30 years in prison to apply for parole after serving 20. Last year, Louisiana Supreme Court Justice Bernette Johnson said that Louisiana's habitual offender law was “largely designed to re-enslave African Americans.” Under a new law, 3,000 incarcerated people in Louisiana might receive parole (The Advocate).

Habitual offender statutes contribute to mass incarceration and must be revised. Allowing white-owned cannabis companies to reap record profits while individuals are still serving life sentences for cannabis is institutional racism that must be addressed.

Key Takeaways

Habitual offender statutes have contributed to the mass incarceration of Black Americans in the United States since their passage during the 1990s.
Mississippi has some of the toughest habitual offender statutes in the United States and has upheld these even recently.
White-owned cannabis companies are raking in millions of dollars while Black Americans continue to serve life sentences for marijuana possession.

PLEDGE YOUR SUPPORT

Nicole Cardoza 8/18/21 Nicole Cardoza 8/18/21

Rally for fair labor.

In July, 19 workers at Chicago fast food chain Portillo’s self-organized a seven day strike against unfairly low pay and worker mistreatment. Unlike most strikes, the workers started the work stoppage on their own with just the help of a local nonprofit, Arise Chicago. The employees who participated in the strike were all Latino, and the majority of them had been with the company for over ten years. The workers involved had been attempting to get a resolution on workplace issues with management for four years (In These Times).

TAKE ACTION

Donate to Arise Chicago, the organization that helped striking Portillo’s workers.
Learn about the connection between workers’ rights and racial justice.
Support a pay increase for fast food workers across the country.

GET EDUCATED

By Nia Norris (she/her)

Latino workers have been a part of the labor movement since its inception. My great-grandmother was a Black immigrant from Panama who worked extensively in the garment industry to improve labor standards and was also a union organizer in Africa (Jacobin). Although many of the early labor unions excluded minority workers, there are also many Latino voices who are celebrated in labor history including César Chávez and the United Farm Workers of America (History). Last month, Latino workers won another huge labor victory in the Chicago suburbs. It isn’t just coincidental that these were low-wage workers who happened to be Latino. Latino workers (particularly those who are immigrants) are disproportionately represented in dangerous jobs. Latino workers have the highest occupational fatality rate out of all groups in the United States (PRB). Racism determines who works which jobs, and under which conditions. But victories like those resulting from a historic three-week strike at a Frito-Lays plant in Topeka show that workers acting together can win (CNN).

The final straw for the workers was that management was not replacing employees who left the company, instead expecting the remaining workers to do the jobs of two people. This created an unsafe working environment. The company was also offering only a $0.25 to $0.35 raise to employees although the company itself was not losing money to the pandemic.

Margarita Valenzuela Klein, the director of member organizing at Arise Chicago, spoke with ARD about the remarkable strike. According to Klein, “It was workers without a union who made the decision to walk out. They called on us [for our assistance] after they walked out.”

Klein said, “We explained to them under the law what their protections are, and what a certain activity means. If two or more employees decide to do something to better their working conditions, they are protected by the law. The more you do, the more protections you have.” Arise Chicago also provided the workers with media contacts for press conferences, signs that they could use to post their demands publicly, and explained “the ABCs of a picket line,” said Klein.

This worker-organized work stoppage was a huge success. Workers won raises ranging from $.1.60 to $2.60 an hour. The company also hired more workers to do the job. These results are incredible for the fast food industry, an industry that is notorious for exploiting minority workers who receive very low pay and often work in poor conditions.

A report by the Labor Center of UC Berkeley found that 73% of fast food workers in Los Angeles were Latino workers (UC Berkeley). Fast food work has always been low pay and comes with high rates of workplace harassment. COVID-19 has made conditions even worse. Fast food workers are almost never unionized, and most attempts by restaurant workers to unionize have been shut down (PBS). Food service workers have historically had very little collective bargaining power. They are often treated by their employers as disposable workers, however the COVID-19 crisis has somewhat shifted the power to the employees as employers grapple with a labor shortage that spans the entire service industry (NYT).

Latino people in the U.S. have historically been leaders in the union movement. Workers’ rights icon César Chávez facilitated the unionization of grape pickers in Delano, California in 1965 by organizing a strike that lasted for five years. This strike led to the creation of the United Farm Workers of America. Salvadoran and Guatemalan immigrants fleeing U.S.-sponsored Dirty Wars in their home countries (TruthOut) included veteran community organizers whose skills “revived” the American labor movement (The Counter).

This is what is so commendable about the Portillo’s strike: although it’s no secret that restaurant workers are treated poorly, these workers were able to organize and get the results that they sought. They were able to use their collective bargaining power to create a safer workplace and a badly-needed pay increase. With employers everywhere moaning that “no one wants to work anymore,” perhaps they should consider that people are no longer willing to work in poor conditions for low pay. Instead, we need to reimagine the food service industry as one that supports the humanity of its workers instead of exploiting minorities for a profit.

Key Takeaways

Latino employees are disproportionately represented in the fast food industry.
An already abusive and underpaid work environment, fast food workers have been particularly vulnerable in the COVID-19 pandemic and should be compensated accordingly.
All workers have certain protections through labor laws that allow them to organize for fair working conditions.

Nicole Cardoza 7/7/21 Nicole Cardoza 7/7/21

Unpack the history of Indigenous boarding schools.

Residential schools were administered by various Christian denominations and the Bureau of Indian Affairs. They were designed to force Indigenous children into assimilation by making them abandon their languages and cultures. Their hair was cut, their clothing was exchanged for uniforms, and they were banned from speaking their languages. These children were cut off from their families and often experienced physical and sexual abuse (The Atlantic). Many children disappeared entirely from these schools. The new discovery of unmarked graves offers a grim explanation.

Good morning and welcome back! The recent news on the atrocities that occurred at several Indigenous boarding schools isn't new, and reflects a long history of intentional erasure of those native to what's now referred to as the U.S. and Canada. As you read more about it in today's newsletter, consider: how else are schools used to erase or censor the diversity of our youth?

Thank you for your support! This daily, free, independent newsletter is made possible by your support. Make a monthly donation to support our team.

– Nicole

TAKE ACTION

Directly donate to survivors of residential boarding schools by donating to the National Native American Boarding School Healing Coalition.
Sign this petition for a national day of mourning in Canada for the lost children of residential schools.

GET EDUCATED

By Nia Norris (she/her)

In recent weeks, the bodies of some 1,200 Indigenous children have been discovered in mass graves at residential schools in Canada (Star Democrat). The US announced that they would be executing a similar effort to search former boarding schools for bodies in light of the discovery (NYT).

The first boarding school for Indigenous children in the United States was established in 1860 and schools remained open until 1978. By the 1880s, there were 60 schools for 6200 students including day schools and boarding schools. In 1879, Col. Richard Henry Pratt established an off-reservation boarding school in Carlisle, Pennsylvania under the premise that full assimilation would best be completed away from the reservation. His motto was “Kill the Indian, Save the Man,” and the schools sought to achieve that purpose by stripping Indigenous heritage entirely and replacing it with white culture. The schools also forced conversion to Christianity, and when parents resisted placement in the schools, rations were often denied to Indigenous communities (Native Partnership).

Canada established a similar network of schools with the mission to “kill the Indian in the child.” In the 1880s, the Canadian government began establishing residential schools and the 1920 Indian Act made it illegal for Indigenous children to attend any schools but these. Similar to the U.S., children were forced to cut their hair, wear uniforms, and were often identified by number. The children were physically and often sexually abused and suffered poor health. In 1907, it was reported that 24% of previously healthy children were dying in these schools. It is also important to note that this does not include children who died after being sent home due to illness. Anywhere from 47% to 75% of children died soon after returning home (Indigenous Foundations).

While Indigenous schools are often talked of as a thing of the past, they are a recent part of history. It wasn’t until the 1978 Indian Child Welfare Act in the U.S. that Indigenous parents were granted the right to deny placement of their children in these schools (Native Partnership). In Canada, the last residential school did not close until 1996 (Indigenous Foundations).

In a previous issue, we covered inequities in the child welfare system (ARD). The boarding schools might be closed, but Indigenous children in Canada account for nearly half of the 30,000 children and youth that are in foster care in Canada (Imprint News). British Columbia did not end its controversial practice of “birth alerts,” which flagged at-risk mothers and disproportionately targeted Indigenous children, until 2019 (CBC).

On June 11, 2008 the Canadian government formally apologized for its involvement in the residential boarding school practice and in 2005, the Canadian government reached a settlement to compensate boarding school survivors as well as fund the Aboriginal Healing Foundation and form the Truth and Reconciliation Commision (Indigenous Foundations). In lieu of the recent discovery of children’s remains in Canada, Justin Trudeau made a public statement that Canadians are “horrified and ashamed” (PBS).

Although the U.S. interior secretary Deb Haaland has directed the government to take action in response to Canada’s discovery and investigate the boarding schools in the U.S. (The Guardian), the U.S. has not yet provided any form of reparations to boarding school survivors, nor issued a public apology. Although President Obama signed off on the Native American Apology Resolution in 2009, tribal citizens have stated that the quiet apology is a watered-down apology with no real public action (Indian Law). The Catholic Church also has not apologized for the genocide of Indigenous children (Washington Post).

The U.S. government and complicit churches must formally apologize for the systematic abuse of Indigenous children through boarding schools and offer reparations to survivors.

Key Takeaways

Boarding schools were established in the U.S. and Canada to assimilate Indigenous children. These schools stripped children of their language, clothes, and customs.
The schools perpetrated systematic abuse of Indigenous children for a hundred years. Many children were lost and recently their remains have been recovered in unmarked graves at former sites of residential schools.
Although Canada has publicly apologized for the abuse perpetuated by these schools and provided some compensation to survivors, the U.S. and the Catholic Church have not formally apologized or provided any form of reparations.

12/17/2020 | Respect Hawaii’s sacred land.

11/24/2020 | Stop violence against Native women.

PLEDGE YOUR SUPPORT

Nicole Cardoza 7/6/21 Nicole Cardoza 7/6/21

Understand the asylum process.

Last Tuesday, the Department of Homeland Security announced that they would start considering migrants whose cases were terminated by the Trump administration. The Justice Department also reversed an immigration ruling that barred individuals from seeking asylum due to domestic violence or gang violence (NYT). Expanding protections to individuals who are fleeing domestic violence or gang violence will offer protection to women, the majority of whom seek asylum due to interpersonal violence, gender-based abuse, and organized crime (NY Times).

Happy Tuesday and welcome back to the Anti-Racism Daily. There's intense pressure on the new administration to address the ongoing migrant crisis at the U.S.-Mexico border. Today, Nia shares more on the difficult journey many asylum seekers from Mexico face.

Thank you for your support! This daily, free, independent newsletter is made possible by your support. Consider making a donation to support our work. You can start a monthly subscription on Patreon or our website, or give one-time using our website, PayPal, or Venmo (@nicoleacardoza).

– Nicole

TAKE ACTION

Donate to RAICES, a nonprofit that provides pro-bono legal support to immigrants.
Tell the Biden administration to end Title 42 expulsions, which allows the U.S. to turn migrants away under the public health rule. Border agents have turned away migrants nearly 850,000 times since the beginning of the pandemic.
If you have room, consider hosting a refugee family so they have a place to stay while their case is decided.

GET EDUCATED

By Nia Norris (she/her)

Asylum is a protection granted to individuals who are foreign nationals who meet the definition of a “refugee,” someone not safe in their home country “on account of race, religion, nationality, membership in a particular social group, or political opinion” (American Immigration Council). Under the Trump administration, many asylum seekers who were crossing the U.S.-Mexico border were sent to Mexico to await hearings for their cases.

In 2019, the Trump-era DHS introduced the Migrant Protection Protocols, which required asylum seekers to return to Mexico to await immigration hearings in the United States (DHS). There were about 70,000 migrants enrolled in this program, which was also known as Remain in Mexico. The majority of migrants who were affected by this policy were from Central America. Migrants waiting at the border often live in inhumane conditions and are often victims of violence, kidnapping, and rape (The Guardian). Many have reported missing court hearings because it was too dangerous to attend, or because of extreme situations such as being kidnapped. Those who missed their court hearings were ordered to be deported and lost their chance to get asylum (Buzzfeed).

DHS suspended the Migrant Protection Protocols on Biden’s first day in office. This allowed many of the migrants already waiting for case decisions to cross the border in February (The Guardian). However, the Biden administration only allowed unaccompanied minors to stay in the U.S. as new asylum applicants. This resulted in a new type of family separation where families remained in Mexico as they sent their children across the border alone (Politico).

Regardless of administration, applying for asylum is not as simple as walking up to the border. Asylum seekers must somehow get into the U.S. to claim asylum, which may involve crossing multiple countries and a militarized border, and prove that they meet the criteria of being a refugee. The majority of cases are denied (NYT). By February of 2020, most asylum seekers who were granted relief waited more than 930 days, and are incarcerated in detention centers while their case is processed. Individuals who wait in detention are five times less likely to secure legal counsel for their cases (American Immigration Counsel). Asylum seekers who find a way to bypass detention still aren’t authorized to work in the United States, making it impossible to earn a legal source of income (NOLO). Children who cross the border alone are imprisoned by Customs and Border Protection. In early May, U.S. officials held over 22,500 refugee children in custody (BBC).

With the new provisions, some migrant camps in Mexico are finally starting to empty (Reuters). Whether these migrants will be granted asylum is yet to be seen since most cases are denied. Salvadoran, Guatemalan, and Honduran people have their asylum cases approved at rates much lower than the average of 35% (Seattle Times). That means two out of three people who tell immigration authorities their life would be in danger in their home country because of a social group or identity they belong to are forced to return to those very conditions.

We must advocate for individuals who are fleeing violence and offer a safer path to survival. Some of the new protections that are granted by the Biden administration are a step forward, but we need to continue to offer protections to individuals who are fleeing dangerous conditions. Amnesty International argues that “the people are not the problem. Rather, the causes that drive families and individuals to cross borders and the short-sighted and unrealistic ways that politicians respond to them are the problem” (Amnesty International).

Key Takeaways

The Justice Department recently reversed the Trump Administration policy barring individuals from applying for asylum due to domestic violence or gang violence.
The process of applying for asylum is much harder than the media and lawmakers make it out to be, and the majority of applications for asylum are not approved.
Guatemalan, Honduran, and Salvadoran asylum applicants are less likely to have their applications approved than asylum seekers from other countries.

12/9/2020 | Amplify mental health resources for immigrants.

10/5/2020 | Protect undocumented Americans.

PLEDGE YOUR SUPPORT

Nicole Cardoza 6/28/21 Nicole Cardoza 6/28/21

Compensate student-athletes.

Last Monday, the Supreme Court made a decision that could significantly impact the lives of student-athletes. The Court ruled against the National College Athletic Association to allow student-athletes to receive education-related payments of up to $6,000 a year and unlimited non-cash education-related benefits (CNN). College sports bring in billions of dollars of revenue each year. The 2019 March Madness tournament was estimated to have brought $1.18 billion in advertising revenue for CBS and Turner Sports, with networks paying about $800 million for the rights (CNBC). Given the profitability of college athletics, it would be expected that athletes receive fair compensation for the labor that they perform.

Happy Monday, and welcome back to the Anti-Racism Daily! The conversation around compensation, value and worth for athletes in the U.S. – particularly student-athletes – is certainly not new. However, last week's decision by the Supreme Court re-ignites conversations about the role of race and equity in collegiate sports. Read more in Nia's recap below.

Are you a student-athlete? I'd love to hear your thoughts – reply to this email.

Thank you for your support! This daily, free, independent newsletter is made possible by your support. If you can, consider making a donation to support our team. You can start a monthly subscription on Patreon or our website, or give one-time using our website, PayPal, or Venmo (@nicoleacardoza).

– Nicole

TAKE ACTION

Sign the #paytheplayers petition to demand fair pay for college athletes in every state.
Support the College Athlete Advocacy Initiative, which advocates and provides legal support for college athletes.

GET EDUCATED

By Nia Norris (she/her)

In reality, college athletes are not compensated at all beyond scholarships and possibly a stipend. College athletes could be compensated similarly to professional athletes if not for NCAA amateurism rules barring payment by their schools. College athletes are not considered employees and are therefore not protected by federal employment laws that allow other workers to unionize and demand fair compensation for their labor (CNBC).

College athletes sign their name and likeness over to the schools they play, but are not permitted to receive compensation for playing (The Guardian). Student-athletes work full-time hours, often 30-40 hours a week on top of their academic course load. With only 1.6% of college football players and 1.2% of college basketball players getting drafted into major professional leagues, the majority of them will not go on to a career in professional sports. Though are “compensated” with scholarships, graduation rates are significantly lower for student-athletes than non-student athletes and many report lackluster academic support and challenges finding post-college employment (The Guardian).

These athletes often suffer chronic injuries playing for coaches who are the highest-paid public employees in 39 states (IPS). A study from the National Bureau of Economic Research found that athletic department revenue doubled in the last 14 years – along with salaries for both coaches and athletic department administrators. While athletic staff is generously compensated, revenue-generating athletes are considered “amateurs” and therefore receive little to nothing in what’s been described as “the injustice of fake amateurism” (The Nation).

Black students comprise only 5.7% of the population at Power Five schools, but makeup 55.9% of men’s basketball players, 55.6% of men’s football players, and 48.1% of women’s basketball players. On condition of anonymity, many student-athletes discussed what The Guardian described as “the racist dimensions of their experiences at Power Five PWIs” (predominantly white institutions). Many described the power imbalance between schools and Black athletes and reported feeling exploited and pressured to not express opinions or take on interests outside of the sports they played (The Guardian).

Both professional and college athletics have a history of racism and exploitation. Initially, professional sports were segregated, with Black players excluded from Major League Baseball until 1946 when Jackie Robinson joined the Montreal Royals and later the Brooklyn Dodgers. The National Hockey League still has a majority of white players and when Black players do come onto the rink, they are often subject to racist abuse from fans (McGill Tribune).

The recent Supreme Court decision will not lead to full compensation for student-athletes as it only applies to payments and benefits related to education. However, it invites further challenges to the NCAA ban on paying athletes. Justice Brett M. Kavanaugh wrote that “nowhere else in America can businesses get away with agreeing not to pay their workers a fair market rate on the theory that their product is defined by not paying their workers a fair market rate” (NYT). Effectively, if this decision were to be successfully challenged further in the Supreme Court, it could entirely change the way that student-athletes are compensated and open up the door for more opportunities for them.

Student-athletes are workers and should be compensated as such. They should be permitted to earn money from their names, images, and likenesses that bring in billions of dollars of revenue for the NCAA, schools, and the broadcasting industry. A 2020 survey found that two-thirds of adults believe that college athletes should be able to reap some of the profits that are generated by their hard work (Forbes). The NCAA must change their unfair policies regarding student-athletes.

Key Takeaways

The NCAA prohibits student-athletes from receiving compensation as “amateurs.”
College sports are a billion-dollar industry. Coaches are generously compensated; players receive little more than a scholarship.
A recent Supreme Court decision allows education-related compensation for college athletes, though the NCAA still bans direct payments.

10/21/2020 | Change racist sports team names.

2/2/2021 | Rally against racist sports mascots.

PLEDGE YOUR SUPPORT

Nicole Cardoza 6/22/21 Nicole Cardoza 6/22/21

Learn the cost of college remediation.

Less than a quarter of community college students who take remedial courses go on to complete college-level courses. At four-year colleges, just over a third of students assigned to remediation continue to take college-level courses. The majority of students assigned to remediation at two-year colleges or universities will not graduate within three years or six years, respectively (Complete College America). Students who take remedial courses pay just as much for these courses as students who begin with college-level courses and are often left with student loan debt for coursework that did not lead to a degree.

Good morning and happy Tuesday! Today we're diving into the racial disparities in higher-level education, particularly, the barriers that college remediation courses can create for underestimated students. Nia joins us today to dive deeper.

ps – Thank you for your support! This daily, free, independent newsletter is made possible by your support. If you can, consider making a donation to support our team. You can start a monthly subscription on Patreon or our website, or give one-time using our website, PayPal, or Venmo (@nicoleacardoza).

– Nicole

TAKE ACTION

Donate to the Center for American Progress to support research on fixing inequality in education.
Support equitable funding for all public schools.
Advocate for fixes to remediation and public school inequality in your community.

GET EDUCATED

By Nia Norris (she/her)

College enrollment rates have nearly doubled since the 1960s, and people of color now attend college at a significantly higher rate (Education Data). Upon entering college, students often take an exam to assess their readiness. If they perform poorly, their school will recommend they take remedial classes to help them catch up before beginning college-level courses (Brookings).

Suppose high schools are not preparing students for a college education. In that case, it could be helpful for colleges to offer students an opportunity to begin their college career with a refresher course. But it is estimated that these courses cost students $1.3 billion every year, even though they do not count towards their degrees (American Progress).

Almost 68% of Black students who attend community college are assigned to remediation, as are 40% of Black students at universities (Complete College America). Black students are also overrepresented among those who fail remediation in college and ultimately do not complete their education (NCBI). There is also evidence suggesting that many students are assigned to remedial coursework they do not need (Brookings). Since education is strongly tied to lifetime earnings (SSA), it is essential to ensure that students who are seeking higher education are able to complete the ultimate goal of gaining a degree.

There are two potential solutions. The first is to improve primary and secondary education. In a previous newsletter, we discussed the effects of racialized tracking, the phenomenon of sorting minority students out of gifted and talented programs (ARD). Providing supplemental instruction to high school students who would need remediation upon entering college is another solution that has been implemented in Washington State. This eliminates the need for remediation altogether (Inside Higher Ed). Classes should be built into curriculums and allow students to gain credits while they complete them (Complete College America). And multiple modes of assessment should be used to assign students to remediation, ensuring students aren’t placed there unnecessarily (Brookings).

Part of the reason remediation is necessary for so many students of color is because of wildly different levels of resources given to different public schools. Because schools are funded by local property taxes, wealthier areas get well-resourced, better-performing schools. If education dollars were distributed fairly across school districts, schools in lower socioeconomic neighborhoods could offer more equitable education to their students (The Atlantic). Remediation courses are a bandage that educational institutions apply to a deeply inequitable system.

While we work to make primary and secondary schools more equitable educational institutions, we must enact strategies that eliminate the necessity of remediation or find a way to make it count so that it is not an additional burden to students who are pursuing an education. Applying strategies to integrate remediation into the curriculum and to ensure that we are not placing students in remedial courses who do not need them is the first step to providing an equitable college education which provides a pathway to graduation.

Key Takeaways

A large number of students being placed in remedial courses to make up for what they did not learn in high school.
These courses cost students over a billion dollars annually and do not count towards college credit.
Black students are placed in remedial courses at a disproportionately high rate compared to white students.
Schools should receive equal amounts of resources. Remediation should be eliminated and replaced with a more equitable practice.

3/30/2021 | Support the mental health of students of color.

12/14/2020 | Understand racialized tracking.

PLEDGE YOUR SUPPORT

Nicole Cardoza 6/17/21 Nicole Cardoza 6/17/21

End disparities in crack cocaine sentencing.

Racism in drug sentencing has been debated for years. Huge disparities in mandatory minimum sentences meant possession of crack cocaine, associated with Black urban communities, was punished much more harshly than possession of the same amounts of powder cocaine, favorite of celebrities and suburbanites. These sentencing requirements contributed to the mass incarceration of Black Americans, often low-level drug offenders. Though on Monday the Supreme Court had the chance to right this wrong, it instead ruled that low-level drug offenders do not always require new sentencing under the First Step Act of 2018 (New York Times).

Happy Thursday! This week, the Supreme Court ruled that low-level crack cocaine offenders convicted more than a decade ago can’t take advantage of a 2018 federal law to seek reduced prison time. We're diving into the history of the "War on Drugs" and the racial disparities in crack cocaine sentencing.

Have a great day!

Nicole

TAKE ACTION

Write to your lawmakers in support of legislation of the EQUAL Act, as well as full decriminalization.
Donate to your local syringe exchange program or the National Harm Reduction Coalition.
Donate to organizations such as Drug Policy Alliance that advocate for decriminalization.

GET EDUCATED

By Nia Norris (she/her)

Drug laws have been racist ever since Nixon declared the “War on Drugs” in 1971 (Drug Policy Alliance). In the 1980s, unfounded fears that pregnant people of color who used crack would give birth to a generation of disabled “crack babies” (NPR) incentivized harsher laws like the Sentencing Act of 1984 and the Anti-Drug Abuse Act of 1986, which imposed mandatory minimum sentences for drug offenders. A mandatory minimum means that someone convicted of a certain crime must receive at least a certain sentence, no matter what other extenuating factors may have been present. The Anti-Drug Abuse Act prescribed significantly harsher penalties for crack cocaine, with five grams of crack carrying the same mandatory minimum sentence as 500 grams of powder cocaine (CJPF).

Crack and powder are two delivery mechanisms of the same drug, though one was punished 100 times more harshly than the other. “The primary difference between crack and powdered cocaine, some say, is the public perception of the user and the seller,” said the New York Times. “The white suburbanite [is] usually linked with powdered cocaine, and the young, urban black man connected to crack” (New York Times). The Clinton administration’s 1994 Crime Bill enacted even tougher sentencing laws and incentivized the construction of private prisons (ACLU). In 2000, several organizations which had been advocating for sensible drug policies instead of mass incarceration since the late 1980s came together to form the Drug Policy Alliance (Drug Policy Alliance).

Up until 2010, crack cocaine possession continued to be the only drug that carried a mandatory prison sentence whether it was a small amount for personal use or a large amount for distribution. The Fair Sentencing Act of 2010 eliminated this mandatory prison sentence and reduced the sentencing disparity between crack and powder cocaine from 100:1 to 18:1 (USSC). The First Step Act of 2018 reduced mandatory minimum sentences for drug offenses, with some reductions applied retroactively to those already sentenced. However, the law did not eliminate mandatory minimums entirely (CRS Reports). Monday’s Supreme Court ruling held that only people sentenced specifically under a mandatory minimum modified by this law could apply for retroactive relief.

The proposed EQUAL Act would eliminate the disparity in sentencing for crack versus powder cocaine entirely and offer people who are incarcerated for crack offenses to retroactively reduce their sentencing (Vox). Although it would be a step in the right direction, we need to look at full decriminalization if we want to combat the impact that the so-called “War on Drugs” has had on minorities. In November, Oregon became the first state in the country to fully decriminalize drugs. The impact of drug decriminalization would be to reduce the prison population (and the costs associated with it), use law enforcement resources more meaningfully, prioritize health and safety over punishment, reduce the stigma associated with substance use disorders, and make evidence-based harm reduction practices more accessible, including syringe and other safer-usage supply access, supervised use sites, and naloxone (Drug Policy Alliance).

The so-called “war on drugs” has done nothing to reduce drug use and has only served as an avenue to incarcerate Black Americans at higher rates through the use of mandatory minimum sentencing and other sentencing biases (American Progress). Reduction in sentencing is a good first step, but the ultimate goal should be decriminalization in order to treat addiction as a public health crisis instead of a criminal matter.

Key Takeaways

Drug policy has historically been written with racist intentions and fueled by hysteria over the crack crisis. Crack carries a significantly larger (18:1) sentence than powdered cocaine.
Recent legislation to reduce mandatory minimums for crack have continued to treat crack more harshly than powdered cocaine, and efforts to eliminate this disparity entirely have only recently been introduced through the EQUAL Act.
Decriminalization of drugs would reduce the impact of mass incarceration and treat addiction as a public health crisis instead of a criminal offense.

8/27/2020 | Help decriminalize drug possession.

PLEDGE YOUR SUPPORT

Nicole Cardoza 6/8/21 Nicole Cardoza 6/8/21

Uncover racial bias in photography.

Cameras have been historically calibrated for lighter skin. When color film was developed, the first model to pose for camera calibration in photo labs was a woman named Shirley Page. After that, all color calibration cards were nicknamed “Shirley cards.” For decades, the “Shirley cards” featured only white women and were labeled “normal.” It wasn’t until the 1970s that Kodak started testing cards with Black women (NPR). They released Kodak GoldMax, a film advertised as being able to photograph “a dark horse in low light” – a thinly veiled promise of being able to capture subjects of color in a flattering way (NYTimes).

Good morning and happy Tuesday! When the YouTube iOS app was first released, about 10% of users were somehow uploading their videos upside-down. Engineers were puzzled until they took a closer look – they had inadvertently designed the app for right-handed users only. Phones are rotated 180 degrees in left-handed users' hands, and because the team was predominantly right-handed, this flaw missed internal testing (Google).

This unconscious bias is prevalent in much of the technology we use right now. Today, Nia outlines the role that bias has played in the history of photography technology.

Thank you for keeping this independent platform going. In honor of our anniversary, become a monthly subscriber on our website or Patreon this week and we'll send you some swag! You can also give one-time on Venmo (@nicoleacardoza), PayPal or our website.

– Nicole

TAKE ACTION

Read about the exclusive history of photography, lack of diversity at tech companies, and racial bias in their products today.
If you are a STEM employer, ensure that you are hiring people of color for the development of new technology.
Buy technology from companies that are actively working to develop more inclusive hardware and software.

GET EDUCATED

By Nia Norris (she/her)

The word inclusivity may not immediately come to mind when we think about camera design. After all, cameras do the job they have been doing for years: they capture the image in front of them so that we can keep a piece of the moment we are capturing. However, if you have noticed that often it is harder to take photos of more melanated individuals, you might be onto something. Google and Snapchat both recently announced that they are redesigning their cameras to be more inclusive to individuals who have darker skin (The Verge, Muse). But what does this mean?

Although digital photography has led to some advancements, like dual skin-tone color balancing, it can still be a challenge to photograph individuals with a darker skin tone in artificial light. There are special tricks that cinematographers and photographers use for shooting darker skin despite these technological limitations, such as using a reflective moisturizer (NYTimes). Snapchat’s camera filters have been criticized as “whitewashed,” with Black individuals pointing out that the Snapchat camera makes their faces look lighter (The Cut). Snapchat has also released culturally insensitive camera filters including a Juneteenth filter encouraging users to “break the chains” and a Bob Marley filter that amounted to digital blackface (Axios).

After taking heat for digital whitewashing, Snapchat has enlisted the help of Hollywood directors of photography to create what they are calling an “inclusive camera” led by software engineer Bertrand Saint-Preaux to hopefully ease the dysphoria that Black users may feel after taking selfies through the app. Some of these efforts include adjusting camera flash and illumination variations in order to produce a more realistic portrait of users of color (Muse). Similarly, Google is changing its auto-white balancing and algorithms for the Pixel camera. They’re also creating a more accurate depth map for curly and wavy hair types (The Verge). Apple started this process a few years ago when they developed the iPhone X in 2017 (Engadget).

It’s not just the quality of photography that needs to be changed. We must also consider bias in the way that AI analyzes images. Twitter’s “saliency algorithm” has come under fire for racial bias in their preview crops of photos. Twitter automatically favors white faces in preview crops, no matter which image was posted first to the site. Twitter is currently planning to remove the algorithmic cropping from the site entirely in response (BBC).

This is not the first time that the company has simply removed an AI’s ability to recognize an image instead of redeveloping the AI to be more inclusive. In 2015, it was pointed out that Google Photos was labeling Black individuals as “gorillas.” Instead of fixing the AI, the company simply removed gorillas from their recognition software. In 2018 Wired followed up by testing photos of animals and although Google Photos could reliably identify multiple types of animals, there were simply no search results for “gorillas,” “chimps,” “chimpanzees,” and “monkeys” (Wired). Less than 1% of Google’s technical workforce is Black (NBC News).

Since photography is almost exclusively digital at this point, hopefully companies will take more initiative to better develop cameras that adequately capture people of color in a flattering way. We also need to adopt inclusive AI practices to ensure everyone's treated equally in social media. When we are seeking to develop inclusive tech, people of color need to have a seat at the table to help ensure that both the software and hardware we use are not racially biased.

Key Takeaways

Since film photography was developed, cameras have historically favored white individuals.
Currently, tech companies are working to develop more inclusive cameras after criticism from people of color.
The way we consume photography is also biased by the way algorithms and AI show us photographs through social media.

6/26/2020 | Face the bias in facial recognition software.

1/21/2021 | Invest in new media.

PLEDGE YOUR SUPPORT

Nicole Cardoza 5/4/21 Nicole Cardoza 5/4/21

Fight anti-protest legislation.

Despite the strong evidence, the GOP has continued to rail against these protests by proposing legislation to prevent citizens from utilizing their constitutional right to protest. In the 2021 legislative session, 81 anti-protest bills have been introduced in 34 states – twice as many as previous years. Often veiled as “anti-riot” bills, these statements exacerbate the hateful rhetoric that demonstrations against police brutality and violence are an act of violence in themselves (NYT).

Happy Tuesday, and welcome back! If you haven't caught up on what's happening in Elizabeth City, NC, you should: the city's response to ongoing protests is heartbreaking. But similar acts to limit our right to protest are popping up in state legislation across the U.S. Today, Nia advocates for us to fight for our First Amendment rights – read more and see how you can rally against harmful legislation in your state.

As always, we welcome any support for our independent news. Consider giving $7/month on our website or Patreon. Or you can give one-time on our website or PayPal. You can also support us by joining our curated digital community. Thank you to all those that support!

Nicole

ps – thanks for all the feedback on the new template! I'm optimizing it a bit more each day, so thanks for your patience. You might also notice that these emails are going to your spam – be sure to add hello@antiracismdaily.com to your contacts. If you have Gmail, drag and drop this to your primary inbox. It helps *everyone* when you do this, even if you're not affected!

TAKE ACTION

The ACLU of Florida has made a public statement about the anti-protest laws, and the ACLU defends the right to protest nationwide. You can donate to the ACLU by following this link.
Research the anti-protest legislation proposed or enacted in your state.
Write to your elected representatives to state your opposition to anti-protest legislation. You can find information about who your elected officials are at the local, state, and national level here.

GET EDUCATED

By Nia Norris (she/her)

Millions of people in the United States have participated in demonstrations since George Floyd was murdered in May of 2020 (NYT). The national attention that the movement for Black lives received generated a flurry of corporate support: two-thirds of the largest companies in the U.S. made public statements about police brutality (MarketWatch). However, not everyone has embraced the movement. Last year, former President Trump inaccurately claimed that the Black Lives Matter movement is destroying Democrat-run cities (USA Today). Twelve thousand demonstrations over the previous year were analyzed by the Crowd Counting Consortium at the University of Connecticut. They found that the majority of them were peaceful, with no property damage or injuries (ABC News)

Protesters are more likely to be the victims of violence than the perpetrators. Last year, protestors were hit with cars more than 100 times (WSJ). In Kenosha, WI, on Aug. 25, 2020, 17-year-old Kyle Rittenhouse open fired on demonstrators, killing two and seriously wounding one. He pled not guilty to all charges, claiming that he shot the individuals in self-defense (NPR). Between May 26 and June 5, 2020, Amnesty International USA recorded 125 incidents of police violence against protestors (Amnesty International USA).

Bills passed in Florida, Oklahoma, and Iowa grants immunity to drivers who hit protestors with their vehicles. Indiana’s proposal seeks to bar those convicted of unlawful assembly from state employment. In Minnesota, a bill seeks to restrict individuals who are convicted of unlawful protests from receiving benefits such as student loans, unemployment benefits, or housing assistance (NYT)(TNR). In some cases, states are looking to criminalize the act of merely attending a protest. The Iowa bill makes it a felony to even be present at a riot, regardless of the protestor’s actions (ABC News).

Unlike most protests, the insurrection at the U.S. Capitol on January 6, 2021, was a violent event, resulting in five deaths that included a Capitol Police off(PBS). The assault on the capitol was incited by a speech by President Trump, who made false claims of election fraud and encouraged the mob to go out and “fight like hell” (NPR). Despite this, the police response to this riot was unlike the police response to protests. Officers were seen clearing the barricades and taking selfies with the rioters (PBS). Although the anti-protest legislation does not distinguish between types of protests, Republican proponents of the bill choose to center Black Lives Matter protests in their arguments instead of noting the danger of this event (NPR).

These laws are clearly meant to suppress individuals who would like to see accountability for police violence and racism. They’re also a direct violation of our First Amendment right, which states that “Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or the press; or the right of people to assemble peacefully and to petition the government for a redress of grievances (Congress).

Key Takeaways

Republican legislators are passing laws restricting the right to protest, thinly veiled as anti-riot laws. Many of these laws offer protections for citizens who hit protesters with their vehicles.
Black Lives Matter protests have been largely peaceful, with the most violent protest of the last year being the Capitol riot of Jan. 6th.
Anti-protest legislation is a violation of our First Amendment rights to assemble peacefully.

7/26/2020 | Pay attention to the Portland protests.

6/30/2020 | Boycott as a form of protest.

PLEDGE YOUR SUPPORT

Nicole Cardoza 2/16/21 Nicole Cardoza 2/16/21

Raise the minimum wage.

Happy Tuesday, and welcome back to the Anti-Racism Daily. I'm writing from Austin, TX, with no power or heat. If you're in the parts of the U.S. affected by the snowstorm, I hope you're safe and warm!

Today, fast-food workers across the country will walk out in protest, hoping to push through a minimum-wage raise to benefit tens of millions. The #Fightfor15 is critical; a recent study indicated that 7M Americans would be affected by the increase, and that 900,000 would be lifted out of poverty at a time when low-wage workers – and especially people of color – have suffered most during the pandemic. Let's help rally for Congress to pass an increased minimum wage, and for corporations to make the same decision.

Thank you all for your contributions! This newsletter is made possible by our subscribers. Consider giving $7/month on Patreon. Or you can give one-time on our website or PayPal. You can also support us by joining our curated digital community.

Nicole

TAKE ACTION

Sign the petition to urge Congress to increase the minimum wage to $15.
Sign the petition urging Mcdonald’s to increase the minimum wage.
Advocate for fair wages at your place of employment.

GET EDUCATED

By Nia Norris (she/her)

KEY TAKEAWAYS

The minimum wage has not increased with the cost of living. The federal minimum wage has remained stagnant at $7.25 an hour since 2009, while the cost of living has risen by 20%.
Black workers are overrepresented in the tipped employee workforce, which has a federal minimum wage of only $2.13 an hour. Tipped employees are more likely to live in poverty, and there have been studies indicating racial discrimination in tipping practices by consumers.
Black people are less likely to be homeowners, and Black borrowers who do own homes pay more for their mortgages than white borrowers.
Employers of disabled workers, such as sheltered workshops, are not required to pay a minimum wage at all, and Black people experience disability at a higher rate than white people.

PLEDGE YOUR SUPPORT

Nicole Cardoza 2/3/21 Nicole Cardoza 2/3/21

Understand the white-presenting experience.

My mother has always taught me that I was a Black woman. My fair skin and blue eyes were, in her words, simply a product of centuries of violence on Black people and the effects of colonization. Had I been born in another era, my appearance would not have freed me from slavery, nor would it have offered me much more privelege in a world where people looked to expose “white-passing negroes.” In fact, one of my passing ancestors was hired by Macy’s and was unceremoniously dismissed when they discovered that she was Black.

Happy Wednesday and welcome back to the Anti-Racism Daily. I was excited to see that Passing, a 1929 novel on the white-presenting experience by Nella Larsen, had been adapted into a movie that premiered at the Sundance Film Festival this past weekend (LA Times). Nia joins us today to chat first-hand about the white-presenting experience.

Are you signed up for our 28 Days of Black HIstory exhibition yet? Camille Bethune-Brown and Shanaé Burch have curated an incredible series, and I've had the privilege to enjoy it alone for the past month. I can't wait for ya'll to see it unfold: 28daysofblackhistory.com.

Thank you all for your support. This newsletter is made possible by our subscribers. Consider subscribing for $7/month on Patreon. Or you can give one-time on our website or PayPal. You can also support us by joining our curated digital community.

Nicole

TAKE ACTION

Shift your language to say “white presenting” instead of “white passing” when referring to Black people that physically look white.
Learn about the history of the “one drop rule” that allowed for the disenfranchisement and continued enslavement of Black people in America with white ancestry.
Read books like “The Vanishing Half” by Brit Bennett and “Passing” by Nella Larsen.

GET EDUCATED

By Nia Norris (she/her)

This story has been told over and over again in pop culture since the 19th century. Initially introduced by Lydia Maria Child, the “tragic mulatto” is a character that has been explored repeatedly in literature and film. Child told the story of the light-skinned descendant of a slave-owner and a slave whose identity was discovered. She lost her white lover and her status and was subsequently enslaved (Ferris). This trope was replicated over and over again in pop culture, painting mulatto women as sexual objects, and often ending with the tortured mulatto committing suicide or losing everything due to the discovery of their “Blackness” (ThoughtCo).

We can’t talk about the “tragic mulatto” without also discussing the “one drop rule” of slavery and the Jim Crow era. In American history, Blackness was defined as having “one Black ancestor.” This rule effectively enabled America to keep the mixed-race descendants of slaves and slave owners enslaved, and to disenfranchise mixed-raced Americans from suffrage and opportunities. Whiteness is something that has largely been forced upon us through rape and colonization (PBS).

So my mother taught me to appreciate my Blackness from a very young age, in spite of me being under the illusion that it was mostly irrelevant. I have joked that she named me Imani Nia (both Swahili names and principles of Kwanzaa) so that I would have to explain to everyone upon introduction that I was biracial, despite these baby blues. However, my Blackness is, has always been, and always will be a major part of my identity. My entire family is Black and has many trailblazers in our lineage. My grandfather was a legal clerk on Brown v. The Board of Education and my grandmother was the first Black woman in Western Pennsylvania to head a major charitable organization. My great-grandmother was a union organizer.

Another problematic facet of being white-passing is society’s desire to separate us into a binary, or force us to identify one way or another. There is a pressure to identify with one group or another (NPR). White people have often told me that I am “white” because of my skin tone, and have been told that my children (who have a white father) are also white. It has been suggested to me that I raise my children as white, which I find problematic because this would require me to effectively cancel their ancestors. Instead, I will teach my children that Blackness can be found in all spectrums.

So what does white-passing look like in America today? I have largely switched to saying white-presenting as opposed to white-passing. The historical context of white-passing is rooted in violence and disenfranchisement of fair-skinned Black Americans. However, we also cannot acknowledge this without also mentioning colorism, when light-skinned Black people (and white Americans) tend to turn their internalized racism towards darker-skinned Black people. For example, there was a higher monetary value set for light-skinned slaves, and even historically Black sororities and fraternities have been known to show colorism in member selection. (Nova Southeastern University). Even today, light-skinned Black Americans are less likely to run into the same barriers as their darker-skinned counterparts (Time).

To say “white-passing” has the implication that I have the desire to pass, which is one I have never had. What’s more interesting is the desire of white Americans to claim Black ancestry, as shown by Jessica Krug and Rachel Dolezal (NBC). These women used their false claims of Black ancestry to take up spaces and procure funding that could have otherwise been for people of color, provoking a national dialogue

When examining my own identity, I have largely decided that the only identity that I need to claim is my Black identity. For a long time, I said mixed or biracial, but another Black woman explained to me, we are all mixed due the violent history of our country. This made sense to me, so I shifted my language to Black. In America, we have never been asked or expected to claim our whiteness, instead it is something that has been inflicted upon us without allowing us the opportunity to claim the benefits.

KEY TAKEAWAYS

Blackness in America comes in all colors, and most Black Americans are mixed to some degree.
Historically, the term “white-passing” was used to disenfranchise Black Americans with white ancestry.
In recent years, white Americans such as Jessica Krug and Rachel Dolezal have tried to capitalize on a Black ancestry that was not theirs to claim.

PLEDGE YOUR SUPPORT

Nicole Cardoza 1/26/21 Nicole Cardoza 1/26/21

Understand inequities in child welfare.

Last summer, cities across the country were forced to address the role of law enforcement in creating unsafe spaces for its communities. Now, many are keeping the pressure on to see action. The Black Lives Matter LA chapter is addressing the intersection of law enforcement and child welfare, an often inequitable system harming the most vulnerable families (BLM LA). Today we are learning about the disproportionate representation of Black families in the child welfare system.

Happy Tuesday, and welcome back to the Anti-Racism Daily. I've been learning more about the topic of child welfare because of how the landscape is shifting through COVID-19.

On one hand, remote learning, social distancing rules and budget cuts have reduced the number of opportunities for other grownups to report potential child welfare situations. Smultaneously, local leaders are advocating for reduced involvement with law enforcement in these cases – as part of efforts to reduce policing and reimagine public safety. I appreciate Nia's overview of the child welfare space and the racial disparities all the more urgent in this tense time. I hope you do, too.

We're in the final stages of bringing on our first full-time staff member, thanks to the support of our community! Consider subscribing for $7/month on Patreon. Or, you can give one-time on our website, PayPal, or Venmo (@nicoleacardoza). You can also support us by joining our curated digital community.

Nicole

TAKE ACTION

Sign this petition from Black Lives Matter Los Angeles to remove police presence in child services investigations and #ReimagineChildSafety.
Support organizations that are focused on family reunification, and providing direct support to families such as Children’s Rights and Movement for Family Power.
Consider: How does this disparity affect child welfare resources in my community? How can I escalate an issue in a more equitable way?
Remember: child welfare can be greatly supported when you support housing, education. food and other essential services in your local community. Consider how your local organizations and mutual aid networks help reimagine child safety.

GET EDUCATED

By Nicole Cardoza (she/her)

Black children make up 33% of children in foster care, although they comprise only 15% of the total child population (National Conference of State Legislatures). They are also significantly more likely to be removed from their families for the same issues that are overlooked in cases with white children.

Initially, the child welfare system was designed to reunite previously separated families, and it excluded Black families entirely. When the stereotype of the “welfare queen” became prolific in the 1980s, the welfare system became a means of separating Black families and facilitating unnecessary transracial adoptions. Congressional acts passed in the mid-1990s limited funds to support families of origin, but left funds for adoption and foster placement uncapped, incentivizing family separation. Other acts, including the Paired with Inter-Ethnic Adoption Act, facilitated a wave of unnecessary adoptions by parents from another race (Northwestern Journal of Law and Social Policy).

These policies incentivize American states to adopt a more punitive approach to child welfare, directing more funds to separation than direct support to families (PBS). Funding for adoption and foster care is prioritized over directly funding families in need (PBS). The federal Title IV-E Foster Care Program offers unlimited funding to foster care placements, and limits funds for services to keep families intact (Columbia Journal of Law and Social Problems).

Poverty is a predictor in the removal of children from their home, and Black parents are more likely to face poverty. (For more on racism and intergenerational wealth, check out our previous article here.) There are multiple case studies where children of color have been removed from their caregivers due to lack of money only, including a case of a family facing eviction, and a hospitalized mother who did not have someone to watch her kids.

In these instances, appropriate supports like housing assistance and respite care were not offered to the families. Instead, the children were removed from their guardians and placed in foster care. These particular case examples were categorized as “emergency removals without prior judicial authorization”, and this type of removal is particularly susceptible to racial bias (Columbia Journal of Law and Social Problems). Poverty also contributes to many neglect cases: a child can be removed for being malnourished, due to the family’s food insecurity. However, it would be much less harmful to fund the family than to place the child with another family (Practice Notes).

Black parents who struggle with substance use disorders are also more likely to have their children removed than white parents with the same issue. Black mothers are 1.5 times more likely to be drug tested (or have their baby drug tested) after birth, although positivity rates are about equal in Black and white mothers (Journal of Women's Health). Additionally, incarceration disproportionately affects Black Americans, putting parents at risk of their children being placed in foster care, and their parental rights being terminated entirely (Northwestern Journal of Law and Social Policy).

Before the child welfare laws in the late 20th century were passed, Black families were largely barred from participating in child welfare services at all. Black children were deemed to be unwanted by white adoptive parents and were largely cared for by extended family and church networks when their parents could not care for them. The AACWA was the first legislation that included Black children in child welfare services, and supported reunification or establishing permanency efforts for children in foster care (Northwestern Journal of Law and Social Policy)

Similar acts also facilitated the placement of Indigenous children in the childcare system. Indigenous American children are 2.9 times more likely to be placed in foster care than white children (ABA). The Indian Adoption Act of 1958 effectively allowed the United States Government to remove Indigenous children from their homes and place them in with white families. However, in 1978, the Indian Child Welfare Act (ICWA) allowed tribal courts to intervene in child welfare placements, and required the states to place children in homes that were consistent with indigenous culture (APA). However, the ICWA has not been consistent in its implementation and a 2013 ruling allowing a white family to adopt an Indigenous child has put the law in peril (Washington Post).

The American Bar Association recommends that child services workers recognize and understand biases, as well as working directly with families to better understand their situations. They also recommend that child welfare agencies hire more diverse staff (ABA). Recent policies have shifted more towards keeping families together and to offering services to families who are struggling prior to removing children (Child Welfare). One example is community doula programs that are publicly funded to give support to parents who face poverty (DONA). Although it is clear that children should not be with abusive parents, it is still critical to consider the mitigating factors of many child welfare placements. Separating families due to poverty or racial profiling is unaccepable. It’s time to prioritize funding families directly to keep them intact and healthy.

KEY TAKEAWAYS

Initially, Black families were excluded from child welfare systems entirely. It wasn’t until child welfare legislation was fully developed in the late 20th century that the focus shifted to families of color.
Later, the welfare system became a means of separating Black families and facilitating unnecessary transracial adoptions.
Black children are separated from their parents at 2.2 times the rate of white children and Native American children are separated from their parents at 2.9 times the rate of white children.
More funding is directed toward foster care and adoption than to directly funding families that are in the child welfare system due to poverty.

PLEDGE YOUR SUPPORT

Nicole Cardoza 12/14/20 Nicole Cardoza 12/14/20

Understand racialized tracking.

Almost seven decades after Brown v. Board of Education, school segregation continues, often within the walls of a single school building. Black students comprise 17% of our nation’s students but represent less than 10% of gifted and talented programs – and 53% of remedial programs. (The Atlantic). The process of diverting Black students from educational opportunities is known as “racialized tracking” and is practiced in many school districts across the country. The process is simple: gifted and talented programs practice gatekeeping through admissions tests that privileged students are more prepared to take, resulting in a student body segregated by the courses they are taking (The Atlantic).

Happy Monday and welcome back to the ARD. When I was in kindergarten, I was reading at a third-grade level. I was impatient and bored in school, which meant I was often getting in trouble. It took months of insisting from my mother before someone gave me the chance to prove that I was, indeed, smarter than my teacher thought. And that recognition likely changed my entire trajectory.

And this is an opportunity far few Black children, and children of color, receive. I can't imagine how this issue will be exacerbated as remote learning transforms the education landscape. Nia is here to unpack the history of racialized tracking.

It sounds like many people are eager for more connection! I'm going to dedicate today to creating that space for us. Stay tuned. If you missed Saturday's email, check your spam. We've been having issues with spam and I'm troubleshooting. I'll let you know if I ever skip a day!

Thank you all for your support! Our work is made possible by your contributions. Join in by making a one-time gift on our website or PayPal, or subscribe for $7/month on Patreon. You can also Venmo (@nicoleacardoza). To subscribe, go to antiracismdaily.com.

Nicole

TAKE ACTION

Support non-profit organizations committed to bringing equity to public schools, such as the Center for Educational Equity.
Review your own school district's policies and practices for tracking and admission into gifted and talented programs. Contact your school board if you have any concerns.
Support Black educators through the National Alliance of Black School Educators (NABSE).
Vote in your local elections for your school board and school superintendent.

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By Nia Norris (she/her)

New York City’s public school system is the most frequently cited example of this kind of segregation in school districts. Children as young as kindergarten are separated through standardized testing. The unsurprising result is a segregated student body. In a school district where Black and Latino children make up 65% of the kindergarten population, they comprise only 18% of the gifted students. These disparities continue up until graduation (NY Mag). The New York City school system also utilizes other metrics to determine tracking, such as attendance-- which also puts students of lower socioeconomic status at a disadvantage. In 2019, a task force established by Mayor Bill de Blasio recommended that New York City scrap their gifted and talented programs and their selective admissions programs entirely. Still, the school district has yet to act on this recommendation (NY Times).

Inequities in school districts perpetuate systematic oppression in an especially devious way. By implementing small magnet and gifted programs and gatekeeping through admissions, school districts deprive Black students of the educational opportunities granted to their white counterparts. Meanwhile, they maintain the illusion of an integrated and diverse district. Because education is a predictor of long term success (people who have four-year college degrees earn over $30,000 more annually than people who do not, according to CNN), disenfranchising Black students perpetuates institutionalized racism and upholds the standards of the status quo.

In 1954 the Supreme Court of the United States ruled in Brown v. Board of Education that segregated school districts violated the Fourteenth Amendment of the United States Constitution’s “equal protection clause.” The ruling required school districts to integrate immediately, arguing that the status quo of “separate but equal” was not actually equal (United States Courts).

Although Brown required that schools desegregate, the practice was shaky. Southern states worked around integrating schools through private school vouchers. Many Black schools were simply shuttered, and white students were given vouchers to attend private schools, funding them with public funds (American Progress). Even within school districts, most white students attend mostly white schools, and schools that are predominantly Black have fewer resources to provide quality education. The voucher programs also deliver funding that should be used in the public school system into private schools (SPLC). Also, the closure of Black schools after Brown displaced tens of thousands of Black educators, and Black teachers are still underrepresented in education today (Education Week). As of the 2015-2016 school year, white educators made up 80% of teachers in public schools in the United States (NCES). For more on the lack of diversity in education, check out our previous newsletter.

The good news: there are meaningful alternatives to racialized tracking. Duke University researchers found that when a North Carolina school district adopted rigorous academic standards and treated all students as gifted, educational outcomes improved. The students enrolled in the program during 2006-2010 closed the achievement gap by 4-6 percent and had better graduation and testing rates (Duke). Now, Wake County, North Carolina, is partnering with Duke University to implement a program called Nurturing for a Bright Tomorrow, exploring this concept further (WCPSS).

Covid-19 has given New York City some time to sit back and reconsider their admissions process after their admissions exam process fell apart during the pandemic (NY Times). School districts should take this year of reflection to restructure their programs to adopt an “honors for all” approach (Washington Post). We need to guarantee that our school districts offer the same academic opportunities to all our students.

KEY TAKEAWAYS

In many districts, schools use “racialized tracking” to segregate student bodies through the admissions process to gifted and talented programs.
Many of the metrics schools use to determine tracking, such as attendance, work against students of color and students with lower socioeconomic status.
In a school district where Black and Latino children make up 65% of the population, they comprise only 18% of the gifted students (NY Mag).
Schools should adopt an honor system for all approaches to curriculums to offer all students equal opportunities.

10/19/2020 | Support restorative justice in schools.

8/20/2020 | Support affirmative action in schools.

8/17/2020 | Fight for equity in remote learning.

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Nicole Cardoza 12/6/20 Nicole Cardoza 12/6/20

Promote harm reduction during the overdose epidemic.

Since the coronavirus pandemic shut down America, opioid overdoses have been on the rise. There are many explanations for this, including new stressors and uncertainty, general isolation, and a decline in the accessibility of recovery programs and treatment centers (US News). Though Black people use opioids at about the same rate as the rest of the general population, they have seen the highest increase in opioid deaths (SAMHSA).

Hi and Happy Sunday! How are you feeling this week? It's been a busy couple of weeks for us – we're hiring two new staff members and just brought on a designer to introduce video and updated assets to the brand. I'm excited and eagerly counting down the days til 2021.

Today we're joined by Nia who's unpacking the disproportionate impact of the opioid crisis during COVID-19, particularly on communities of color. I'm committing to taking a CPR class (online!) this month.

This newsletter is made possible by our generous group of contributors. Support our work by making a one-time gift on our website or PayPal, or giving monthly on Patreon. You can also Venmo (@nicoleacardoza). To subscribe, go to antiracismdaily.com. You can share this newsletter and unlock some fun rewards by signing up here.

Nicole

TAKE ACTION

If you know people who use opioids (including legal prescription opioids), consider obtaining naloxone and getting training on using it. Depending on your state, naloxone may be available over the counter at your pharmacy. Naloxone can also be accessed through local harm reduction initiatives. If you are having a hard time finding naloxone in your area, you can get naloxone online.
Take a CPR training class to be prepared if you encounter someone who is unresponsive due to an overdose.
Consider donating to harm reduction organizations that distribute lifesaving overdose reversal medications free of charge.

GET EDUCATED

By Nia Norris (she/her)

There has also been a decrease in the accessibility of medication-assisted treatments (MATs), such as methadone and buprenorphine (also known as Suboxone). Buprenorphine can be prescribed by a doctor to be taken at home, but methadone requires a daily trip to the clinic. Harm reduction advocates argue that methadone maintenance should be more flexible, especially during the pandemic, and that clinics should be offering additional take-home doses for patients (Filter). However, many clinics do not provide extra take-home doses, forcing patients to risk their health to come into the clinic daily (Talk Poverty).

In Chicago’s Cook County, Black people account for half of the overdoses (Chicago Tribune). The numbers are similar in Philadelphia (Philadelphia Inquirer). Black people have also been affected by the Covid-19 virus at disproportionately higher rates nationally, making the increase in overdose deaths and the coronavirus pandemic an intertwined issue (NY Times).

Historically, the “war on drugs” targeted Black individuals, disproportionately incarcerating Black Americans, despite the fact that they do not use drugs at a higher rate than white Americans. It has led to family separations due to incarceration and a new form of slavery through prison labor. The ACLU described the war on drugs as “The New Jim Crow” in 2003 (ACLU).

The opioid crisis provoked a media discourse that is largely differentiated from the “war on drugs,” when the “crack cocaine crisis” was painted as a problem of the Black community. White Americans started dying from opioid overdoses due to the overprescription of painkillers. Discrimination in prescribing practices led to lower rates of Black people being addicted to prescription painkillers. The opioid epidemic caught the nation’s attention because of its impact on white, middle-class Americans, and helped rebrand addiction from an issue of criminality to a public health crisis (NCBI).

However, as restrictions were placed on painkiller prescriptions, more Americans turned to heroin and fentanyl. This led to an upward swing in overdoses among Black people (NY Times). However, Black people who suffer from substance use disorders are still largely invisible in the public health discourse (Addiction Psychology).

Systematic racism accounts for the disproportionate overdose rates of Black people during the Covid-19 pandemic. First of all, Black people are less likely to have access to MAT medications like buprenorphine and more likely to rely on methadone clinics. (Remember, buprenorphine can be prescribed to be taken at home, but methadone must be taken at a clinic.) Doctors have to possess a special certificate to supply buprenorphine and are limited in the number of patients they can see. Because the number of doctors who prescribe buprenorphine does not match the demand, doctors can force patients to pay out of pocket or choose to accept only private insurance (NY Times). If clinics are closed or unsafe due to disproportionate coronavirus rates, it impacts the accessibility of needed medications, leading to more relapses. There are also racial disparities in access to addiction treatment (Addiction Center) and the pandemic-related closure of support groups such as Narcotic Anonymous and Alcoholics Anonymous.

We can mitigate the impact of the overdose crisis on the Black community through better funding for treatment programs and increasing accessibility of life-saving medication-assisted treatment, such as a loosening of restrictions on the prescribing of methadone and buprenorphine. Harm reduction also has a vital role in this discourse. Everyone who loves someone who uses drugs should keep the life-saving overdose reversal medication naloxone on hand. Harm reduction initiatives are largely underfunded: private donations primarily fund organizations that provide syringe exchange services and naloxone free of charge. Some operate on the fringe of legality due to paraphernalia laws, and many states do not have syringe exchange programs at all (Drug Policy Alliance). These ideological and political barriers continue to exist in spite of evidence that these services reduce harm in the community (CDC). Donations to these programs will put naloxone in the hands of people who need it

KEY TAKEAWAYS

Overdoses are on the rise during the Covid-19 pandemic and are disproportionately impacting Black people.
Black people have less access to addiction treatment, as well as medicated assisted therapies such as buprenorphine.
Increased access to overdose-reversal drug naloxone can help avoid preventable deaths.

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